As India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12-13, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s packed diplomatic schedule captures the complexity of India’s foreign policy.
Meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Gulf leaders bring together countries with competing interests—but all of which remain important to India.
Modi met Putin and Pezeshkian on September 11 and is scheduled to meet Xi on September 12. Saudi Arabia’s delegation is being led by Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, while Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan is also in Delhi for talks with Modi.
The message is clear: India is seeking strategic space, not strategic camps. By maintaining relationships across geopolitical fault lines, New Delhi is trying to protect its economic, security and connectivity interests while retaining the freedom to engage every major power.
Russia: A Partnership Built Beyond Defence
India-Russia ties have traditionally been associated with defence cooperation, but the relationship has expanded considerably in recent years. Trade, energy, infrastructure, manufacturing, space and technology are becoming increasingly important pillars.
The two countries have set a target of $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030. During his meeting with Putin, Modi discussed closer commercial ties and implementation of the Programme for Economic Cooperation 2030, covering areas including energy, infrastructure, space, industrial cooperation and skilled mobility.
Their visit to the INNOPROM India industrial exhibition also highlighted the growing emphasis on manufacturing and commercial partnerships.
Energy remains at the heart of the relationship. Russian crude has become an important part of India’s energy mix, while Russian fertilisers are significant for Indian agriculture. Cooperation is also expanding into nuclear energy, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals and other strategic sectors.
At the same time, India continues to maintain an independent position on the Russia-Ukraine war. New Delhi has repeatedly called for dialogue and diplomacy, and Modi reiterated that position during his latest meeting with Putin. The two leaders also discussed maritime trade and the safety of Indian seafarers, with India expressing its willingness to contribute to peace efforts.
China: Managing Competition And Engagement
Xi Jinping’s visit puts India-China relations firmly in the spotlight. It is the Chinese President’s first visit to India since 2019 and comes after years of diplomatic efforts to stabilise ties following the 2020 Galwan clash.
The relationship remains strategically sensitive but economically significant. China is one of India’s largest trading partners, with deep links in electronics, pharmaceuticals, machinery, manufacturing and supply chains.
The Modi-Xi meeting therefore carries a dual agenda: maintaining peace and stability along the border while exploring economic engagement that serves India’s interests.
Beijing has indicated that it wants stronger communication and cooperation, while urging both countries to manage their differences from a long-term strategic perspective.
For India, engagement with China does not mean setting aside its concerns. Rather, it provides an avenue to address border issues directly while seeking greater market access, stronger supply chains and mutually beneficial economic ties.
BRICS provides a particularly important setting for this dialogue, as both India and China support a greater role for emerging economies in global decision-making.
Iran: Chabahar And The West Asian Stakes
Modi’s meeting with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on September 11 added another layer to India’s balancing act. The two leaders discussed bilateral ties as well as the rapidly changing situation in West Asia.
India stressed the importance of dialogue and diplomacy, along with freedom of navigation, uninterrupted commerce and the safety of seafarers.
But New Delhi’s relationship with Tehran extends beyond the current regional crisis. Chabahar port remains a strategic priority for India, providing access to Afghanistan and Central Asia without dependence on Pakistani territory. It is also connected to the International North-South Transport Corridor linking India with Iran, Russia and markets farther north.
The port is therefore part of India’s wider ambition to build itself into a major connectivity and logistics hub between South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia and Europe.
Energy security adds another dimension. Any disruption around the Strait of Hormuz can affect oil prices, shipping and global trade, making India’s engagement with Iran strategically significant.
Iran’s push within BRICS for greater use of local currencies and alternative financial mechanisms also overlaps with India’s interest in strengthening intra-BRICS trade and building more resilient payment systems.
Gulf: Deepening Ties Without Choosing Sides
India’s engagement with Saudi Arabia and the UAE demonstrates another aspect of its multi-alignment strategy.
Saudi Arabia’s delegation at the summit is being led by Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud. India-Saudi relations have expanded well beyond oil to include investment, defence, infrastructure, technology, healthcare, energy transition and connectivity.
The India-Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership Council, co-chaired by Modi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, serves as the institutional foundation of the relationship. The two countries have also expanded cooperation in defence and economic sectors.
Saudi Arabia has outlined plans for investments of up to $100 billion in India across energy, infrastructure, technology, fintech, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, manufacturing and healthcare. Cooperation is also being explored in refining, petrochemicals and energy.
Connectivity is another key priority. India and Saudi Arabia are partners in the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, which could create stronger links between Indian ports, the Gulf and European markets.
The UAE is equally important. Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan is in Delhi for talks with Modi. India-UAE relations now cover investment, energy, technology, infrastructure, defence and connectivity.
At the same time, India continues to engage Iran. For New Delhi, maintaining strong relationships with Tehran, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi is not contradictory—it is central to its strategy of keeping multiple channels open across a deeply divided region.
BRICS And India’s Strategic Autonomy
All these relationships come together in New Delhi as India leads an expanded BRICS grouping. The 11-member bloc represents nearly half of the world’s population, around 40 per cent of global GDP and roughly a quarter of global trade.
India has framed its BRICS chairship around “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, with a broader focus on “Humanity First.”
New Delhi is pushing for practical outcomes, including lower trade barriers, stronger business partnerships, support for startups, resilient supply chains and greater cooperation in technology, energy and finance.
The summit therefore represents more than a meeting of emerging economies. It is also a test of India’s ability to manage relationships with competing global and regional powers without being drawn into any one camp.
For Modi, the BRICS moment is ultimately about preserving strategic autonomy while turning India’s wide diplomatic network into economic, security and connectivity advantages. In a world increasingly divided by rivalries, New Delhi’s calculation is that having a seat at every table may be more valuable than choosing just one.
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